Capitalism in global crisis and conflict, and the struggle for socialism

The following document was voted on and agreed by a meeting of the International Executive Committee of the Committee for a Workers’ International, which convened in London from 15-19 January 2024. Delegates to the IEC attended from Europe, Asia, Africa and North and South America.  

An unprecedented new era of global upheaval and polarisation confronts capitalism and imperialism. It is causing human suffering and misery not experienced for generations on all continents. The world situation is currently marked by two major wars, firstly in Ukraine and then Gaza. These conflicts have assumed an international character leading to polarisation and division amongst the ruling classes and tremendously heightened geopolitical tensions and clashes. 

The apocalyptic slaughter of the Palestinian population in Gaza and increasingly in the West Bank by the Israeli regime currently taking place means that the former relations in the Middle East will be transformed. This war is not a mere repetition of previous wars and attacks on the Palestinian people. It has taken the conflict to a new level. Exactly what will emerge from the bloody carnage at this stage is uncertain. The war has revealed in the sharpest way the character of this era of dystopian capitalism which now exists. It is essential to recognise that no fundamental solution to this conflict will be found whilst capitalism as a system remains. 

The onslaught has provoked outrage and initially mass protests of millions in the Arab and Muslim world along with massive protests in other countries like Britain. It has begun to politicise an important layer of a new generation of youth. This war will shape their outlook politically although in a different way to the struggles against apartheid in South Africa, the Vietnam and Iraq wars did for previous generations. It is also impacting on the domestic political situation in many countries. This is due to the attitude adopted towards the war and the backing Israel has received from bourgeois politicians and political leaders particularly in the western imperialist countries. 

In a desperate bid to cling to power Netanyahu was driven to form a coalition government involving extreme right-wing fascistic forces. His government from the beginning was a further example of the capitalist class losing control of the political apparatus. This was the case with Trump in the US, Bolsonaro in Brazil and other countries. Netanyahu’s government was threatened with the prospect of being overthrown prior to the outbreak of the current war. The horrific attack by Hamas on 7 October, which the Israeli state was warned of before-hand, gave his regime the excuse to launch this bloody assault on the Palestinian people. The 7 October attack shook Israeli society to its foundations. It shattered the idea that the IDF would always defend the population from a serious attack.  

At the same time Netanyahu and his regime have been preparing the ground for the current genocidal attempt to liquidate the Palestinian nation which they are trying to carry through. In September at the UN General Assembly, he held aloft a map of a reconfigured Middle East from which the Palestinian people, in Gaza and the West Bank were erased. Settlers in the West Bank have been armed and encouraged under his government to attack Palestinians and occupy more of their land. 

The horrific methods of mass indiscriminate attacks and ethnic cleansing used in this war now seem aimed at making Gaza uninhabitable and driving the 2.5m Palestinian population into an area no larger than London’s Heathrow airport. Probably from there they hope they will be forced to flood into Egypt, or other Arab countries, or, as some Israeli regime representatives are raising, Africa – a new Nakba. The prospect of something similar being unleashed in the West Bank is also not excluded as attacks and repression have dramatically increased. However, it is not certain these objectives can be achieved. The declared Israeli objective of destroying Hamas militarily and politically is unachievable. The brutality of what they have done has already led to Hamas winning more sympathy and support amongst a new generation of Palestinian and Arab youth. This is echoed in other countries like Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia. Amongst the Muslim population support and sympathy for Hamas has grown. The Malaysian government refuses to recognise Israel and has an official Hamas representative in the country. The pressure of the mass Muslim population compelled the government to refuse pressure from the US to condemn Hamas, something the ruling elite has used for their own political advantage.   

Major regional war

The mass outrage and fear of the war spreading to a major regional war has compelled the western imperialist leaders to shed some crocodile tears and urge Israel to show “restraint” and avoid civilian casualties. To date Israel has brushed aside such pleads. Now western imperialism is piling the pressure on Israel with Biden going as far as calling for the removal of Netanyahu’s government. Some western powers have now been compelled to call for a ceasefire. It is not excluded that the western powers will be compelled to exert more pressure. Israel has been and remains a crucial ally of western imperialism in the region. They are terrified that the conflict will widen out into a regional war which will have devastating consequences internationally in terms of geopolitical relations, the economy and class and political polarisation. A change in the Israeli regime is not excluded given the threat it is posing of expanding the conflict with the devastating consequences this would have.  

The ruling Arab and Iranian elites are also desperate to try and avoid a widening of the conflict. At the same time, they are under ferocious pressure from the “Arab street.” As we have already seen in Egypt, at the start of the war, a government-supported mass protest against the Israeli assault, rapidly turned into an anti-Sisi demonstration. Should Israel continue its murderous campaign, the pressure to intervene can become unstoppable compelling them to act or face uprisings and the threat of being overthrown through the development of another Arab spring.  

Fuel is now also being added to the fire by Israel threatening that it cannot tolerate Hezbollah existing on its borders. Already there is an incremental escalation of military clashes between Israel and Hezbollah taking place. An all-out conflict, opening a second front between Israel and Hezbollah could expand into a full regional conflict drawing in Iran, Egypt, and other countries. Turkey, which has clashed with the western powers over this war could also be drawn-in in some form. Recent clashes in the Red Sea and threats to attack Houthi bases in Yemen by the UK and US show that the threat of such a regional war is increasing at this stage. This is even though Hezbollah, Iran, Egypt and western imperialism and other players in this struggle have tried to prevent such a development. The divisions which exist in Israeli society mean that should Netanyahu not continue the war he faces the prospect of being overthrown and removed. Should it drag on into a longer conflict he could also be removed before the war ends. However, even with a formal ending of the war the conflict will continue as it is irresolvable under capitalism. The attempts by Biden and other imperialist and Arab leaders to resurrect the idea of two capitalist states will not resolve the situation. 

The western imperialist leaders have suffered huge political damage because of the stance they have taken on the war in Gaza. Following Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, they attempted take the “moral high ground” presenting themselves as defenders of democracy and national rights. This has now been lost following their defence of the Israeli governments’ war. Bitterness and hatred of western imperialism has sharply increased in much of the neo-colonial world especially. A massive polarisation has taken place with overwhelming support for the Palestinian people with some differences especially in some African countries or countries like India where a more mixed mood exists due to the religious make-up of the population.   

The current polarisation in Africa predates the event of October 7th and the unfolding war on Gaza. Much earlier, a split roughly in form of North/South versus East/West had emerged in the African Union over a unilateral decision of the African Union Commission chairman two years earlier to grant observer status to Israel in the body. Some member states led by South Africa and Algeria strongly held that this decision violated the continent’s traditional solidarity with Palestine. As a result, the Israeli envoy was kicked out at a meeting of the AU in Addis Ababa in February 2023. So, it is not surprising that the AU came out with a strong anti-Israel position when the war on Gaza broke out. This event demonstrates aptly the complicated situation that exists in Africa following the end of the cold war. The collapse of the Soviet Union meant that the international relations that dictated the foreign alliances of several African states had ceased to exist thereby creating a vacuum which the Israeli state has exploited to recover some of the influence it lost following 25 African nations breaking diplomatic relations with it in 1973 over the Yom-Kippur war. This has taken the form of a diplomatic offensive by the Israeli state to court African leaders, including sit-tight leaders and dictators like Cameroon’s Paul Biya, with economic and military aids as well as ample supply of surveillance technology like the Pegasus spyware to curtail opposition to their regimes. In a way, this mirrors the approach of the Israeli state in the 1970s when it allied with South Africa’s Apartheid regime helping to train its elite military units and providing it with tanks and weapons. Israel’s aim of course is to transform client African states into a voting bloc at the UN for its polices in Palestine. In a 2017 briefing with Israeli ambassadors to Africa, Netanyahu summed it up in the following manner: “The first interest is to dramatically change the situation regarding African votes at the UN and other international bodies from opposition to support…This is our goal…”  

Suffice to note that the divisions are not only between countries; they also exist within countries for example in South Africa where we have seen clashes between pro-Palestine and pro-Israel supporters. But overall, while we have seen mass pro-Palestine protests in countries like Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, there has been no real mass opposition develop against the war in several countries in West Africa. In East Africa however, we have seen protests develop in Kenya for instance which forced the William Ruto’s regime which has historically supported Israel to quickly amend its position. Apart from economic and military aid, another crucial factor behind the support that Israel continues to enjoy in a number of countries in Africa is the role of the rise of Pentecostal Christian religious congregations, but the situation can quickly change if the carnage in Gaza continues. This alongside the repression of pro-Palestine protests for example in Kenya and Nigeria, where Shiite-led pro-Palestine demonstrations have come under increased police attacks in recent times, can produce a political backlash. 

An important feature of the response of capitalist regimes has been the degree of repression directed against pro-Palestinian protests. This has been very sharp in countries like France, Germany, India and elsewhere. This reflects a pronounced trend towards more authoritarian measures being adopted by the ruling classes globally in general and not only in relation to the war.  

Like the Ukrainian war the war in Gaza has, to an even greater extent, resulted in sharper geopolitical tensions and polarisation. With some notable exceptions, mainly in Africa, the neo-colonial world has opposed the stance of US imperialism. This polarisation has been sharply reflected in the UN – even in the Security Council where the US has been isolated with the UK abstaining. This process was reflected following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. It has been enormously strengthened as a result of the Gaza war. The case taken by South Africa against Israel in the International Court of Justice is extremely significant and reflects this polarisation. Of course, there can be no illusions that the ICJ or other international capitalist institutions offer a solution. The South African regime, like Turkey and others, are reflecting the pressure of the masses and massive sympathy for the Palestinian people and the rulers are cynically using this to try and shore up support for themselves. At the same time, Turkey and others maintain some interests and links with Israel. The international polarisation reflects the decline of US imperialism, which remains the strongest power but is unable to play the role it did in the past of one super-power imposing its position on the world. The trend toward two main unstable camps around the US and China, along with other blocs and alliances has continued developing, with for example the BRICS expansion. China, along with the much weaker Russia, have used these developments to further strengthen their influence globally. 

Ukraine stalemate

In addition to the war in Gaza the war in Ukraine continues to drag on in a stalemate reminiscent to that which took place during the world war of 1914-18. Neither side has been able to inflict a decisive blow against the other. High casualties on both sides have not resulted in any significant gains being made. There is a certain “war weariness” developing in Russia, Ukraine and in western countries which have backed Ukraine. The question is being increasingly posed how much longer the west can continue arming Ukraine. The blocking of an increase in aid from the EU (European Union) by Hungary and the further blocking of aid in the US Senate by the Republicans show the divisions that are opening up.  Like the war in Gaza this conflict is also intractable based on capitalism. Even when some formal agreement is eventually signed the conflict will continue in one form or another.  

Putin has failed to achieve any meaningful war objectives since the war began in 2022 and the conflict is preparing the ground for his downfall at some stage although this can be a delayed process given the extremely Bonapartist character of the Russian state and the mafia capitalism which rules society. On the other hand, all the sanctions, embargos etc. implemented by western imperialism have failed to trigger the crisis they hoped. Many western capitalist firms in effect break the sanctions for their own benefit and Russian oil continues to flow to key countries like India and elsewhere.  

In Ukraine there is growing questioning and challenging of Zelensky who demonstrated his real character by joining far right-populists like Bolsonaro, Orban and others at the swearing in ceremony of the new Argentinean president, Milei. 

These two major wars, that have assumed a global character, are taking place as other wars and civil wars are also being fought in Africa and elsewhere. The UN estimates that 25% of the world’s population now live in war and major conflict zones. Now Maduro in Venezuela has reopened the dispute with Guyana and threatened to take the oil rich Guyana state of Essequibo, which Venezuela argues was stolen from it in the nineteenth century, and which comprises about two-thirds of Guyana. In response to this threat Brazil deployed tanks to its borders. 

All these and other developments illustrate the significant increase in national conflicts and war globally which reflect one of the features of the period global capitalism is now in. It illustrates the end of one superpower dominating the world and being able to impose its will. The wars and military conflicts illustrate the intense geopolitical rivalries and clashes of interests which exist. Others loom on the horizon in the South China Sea as China increases its presence and increasingly asserts its power in Taiwan which Xi aims to incorporate Taiwan back into China at a certain stage. This would provoke a major conflict with US and western imperialism. The dramatic increase in military expenditure in Germany and appeal by the German defence minister for the country to be “war” ready represents a major change in the situation. 

It is against this background that many of the new generation understandably fear the prospect of a third world war. The wars which are taking place and others which will break out do have global characteristics and consequences. However, this is different to a full world war between the main powers that would involve a nuclear Armageddon which is not currently posed. This would threaten to destroy capitalism itself by decimating the working class and the productive forces. Although some limited tactical use of nuclear weapons or other horrific weapons of mass destruction could happen in a conflict between countries whose far-right populist Bonapartist leaders were out of control. Such a development would provoke massive protests creating instability and turmoil. 

As we have analysed in previous material, a series of connected multiple crisis are unfolding economic, political, geopolitical, environmental and within each of them sharp polarisations are present and developing. The geopolitical crisis is stark and reflected in the two major wars taking place. 

On the economy the capitalist classes have oscillated between the sooth sayers who myopically trumpet that the economic crisis has been, or is about to be, fixed, and utter pessimism about the situation and what the future holds. At best, the world economy currently has some low growth with big sections of it already either in recession or flatlining. It is evident that despite the raising of interest rates, and the end of the cheap money era, inflation has not been eliminated or reduced to a level considered optimal by the central banks. Despite any marginal decrease/increase in the rate of inflation, it will continue as a major issue in the coming period. Food inflation is a major question affecting millions. They remain dogged by supply chain problems which are being exacerbated by the wars. Attacks by Iranian backed Houthi forces in the Red Sea are causing shipping delays resulting in prices being driven up. Over 100 ships have been rerouted around southern Africa to avoid the Suez Canal. Japan, after thirty years of deflation or very low inflation is currently seeing prices rise at the fastest rate for thirty years. The slowdown in oil consumption indicates the fall in economic growth taking place. 

The US bourgeois are claiming the economy grew in the third quarter by an annualised 4.9%. Even if true this is not on a stable basis. The character of the growth still means that for the masses in the US there has been no real rise in living standards or gains for the working class. China faces a major debt and property crisis and contraction, with Germany possibly in recession and Japan shrinking at its fastest annualised quarter for two years. Germany, the EU’s largest economy, has seen bankruptcies rise by 30% in the last year. Corporate insolvencies across the EU rose 13%. The consequences of the higher interest rates have yet to fully kick in. A severe global recession hitting in 2024 is a strong possibility. 

The rise in interest rates has had a devastating effect in worsening the global debt crisis especially in the neo-colonial world but also in the imperialist powers. The World Bank estimates that global borrowing costs are the highest for four decades and pushed the crippling external debt payments in all the developing countries to US$443.5bn in 2022. In the past three years alone there have been eighteen sovereign defaults in ten developing countries – greater than the number recorded in the last two decades. The debt crisis is also waiting to explode in the western imperialist powers, both in the state and private sectors. 

A catastrophic situation faces the neo-colonial world in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. It is being devasted by the crisis. Countries like Sri Lanka and others face the worst situation they have confronted in their history. This is exemplified by the dire situation which exists in Argentina. This was one of the most developed economies in the past in Latin America. Now over 40% of the population officially are living below the poverty line. Hyperinflation of over 200% is ravaging the economy. To this must be added the explosive debt crisis which persistently plagues the Argentine economy as default is threatened repeatedly. The announcement of a 50% devaluation of the peso by the new Milei government as part of a savage shock therapy reminiscent of the “shock therapy” applied by the Chicago Boys in Chile. This is a foretaste of what the future holds for many countries, including in the imperialist western powers as events in Britain are illustrating. 

It is against this background that prospects for the class struggle and socialism must be prepared for. Massive social and political upheavals and crises are already unfolding. There is a global fall, in some countries even collapse, in the authority and social base of the instruments through which capitalism has ruled. This applies to the state institutions and traditional parties in all countries. The degree may vary but the global tendency is clear. The ruling classes confronting this situation, through fear of massive social explosions, are resorting to more authoritarian Bonapartist measures everywhere. 

In some areas of the neo-colonial world even the limited forms of bourgeois democracy which exist are no longer fit for purpose. This is illustrated by the recent military coups in Africa. The brutal crackdown on drug gangs by the Bukele regime in El Salvador has resulted in the imprisonment of over 60,000 people – 1% of the population. This reflects the features of social collapse and disintegration which are taking place in Asia, Africa and Latin America and is beginning to develop in some western imperialist countries. These tendencies are also beginning to emerge in some of the western industrialised countries. 

A massive political vacuum is opening globally as support for the existing parties falls or collapses. Fuelled now by the war in Gaza, unprecedented inequality, corrupt and out of touch political leaders, a seething sense of bitterness, injustice, polarisation and opposition to the ruling elites is palpable in many countries. The crass ineptitude of most of the bourgeois politicians of today when compared to the past reinforces these trends in outlook and opinion. This is also a reflection of the character of capitalism in this era, in particular the dominance of finance capital which leads them to search for short term solutions and gains. 

The mass uprisings we saw following 2018 in a series of countries reflected the explosive situations which existed and the ingrained hatred of the rulers in these countries. The resurgence of strike movements in some European countries like Britain, Germany and also in the US are very significant. They are an anticipation even larger movements which will erupt during the protracted death agony of capitalism. 

Trade union struggles

The small but quite significant growth of the trade unions and strikes in both Britian and the US indicate the changes which are beginning to emerge. It is crucial we recognise the significance of these developments. In October 2023 there were 4.5 million days lost due to work stoppages in the US. The highest of any month for four decades. At the same time, it is necessary to recognise this is the beginning of a process. Many of the strikes, but not all, have the features of protest action and in the main have not been of an all-out character. This reflects the limitations in consciousness, experience and organisation and experience in struggle of these workers. A new generation of younger workers is having to learn through the struggle. It reflects the current era and the lingering effects of the collapse of the former Stalinist states in all its aspects. This has been compounded by the role of most of the trade union bureaucracy. 

Recent uprisings have shown again that the absence of a strong revolutionary socialist political alternative of the working class and lack of experience and limitations of political consciousness resulted in the uprisings hitting a wall and stalling. This resulted in the ruling classes being able to reassert their control of society. As a result, in some countries, confusion and lack of an alternative led to a temporary falling back in political consciousness. Political consciousness of the masses does not develop in a straight line of constant ascent. It goes through ebbs and flows. 

These weaknesses were also reflected in some aspects of the recent strike and protest movements in Europe and the US. The role of the trade union leaders who usually acted as a brake on the movement often held back the strike movement. This, combined with the lack of experience of a new generation of workers involved in these struggles prevented them developing onto a higher level. In some cases, after quite lengthy periods of one- or two-day strikes, relatively small gains or little was won in real terms. However, this was not always the case. In the US substantial gains were made in the auto industry but more could have been won. Reflecting the militant mood which exists it was significant that the new contract was only agreed by a slim margin of GM workers and rejected in a number of the big car plants. There are also important signs of opposition beginning within the trade unions in other countries. 

Political consciousness does not develop in a straight line. Neither does it develop at one fixed speed. Leaps forward in political understanding and political awareness can take place during struggles and driven by the developing capitalist crisis even without the existence of large or mass revolutionary socialist parties. Yet it is essential to emphasise that the existence of such parties is vital to assist workers and those in struggle draw all of the necessary conclusions needed to overthrow capitalism. 

The political vacuum which has developed has allowed the right-wing populists and far-right to make significant gains in Europe and globally although, but not entirely, electorally. In a sense the absence of a large or mass socialist alternative has resulted in the right and reaction having the upper hand politically. This is not however in the main on a stable or consolidated basis. The drop in support for Biden in the US means that there is a serious possibility that Trump could win the election in 2024. Modi is poised to win a further term in India. The right-wing electoral gains in the Netherlands, Italy, and the growth of the AfD in Germany also illustrate this. The election of Milei in Argentina and threat of Kast in Chile underline this process. However, this is not the situation in all countries.  

However, this does not mean the right has a consolidated or stable base. This will be illustrated in Argentina. Milei has launched a programme of shock therapy against the Argentinean working class. It is accompanied by the introduction of vicious repressive measures including the banning of protests. In the national Congress deputies from the FIT have been threatened that “prison or a bullet awaits them”! These measures will provoke either features of civil war, social explosions, or an uprising of some form. 

In other countries the prospect of further social explosions or uprisings is also present. In countries like Sri Lanka and Chile where mass uprisings have taken place none of their underlying causes have been resolved. Further movements are inevitable which we need to be prepared for. The character that some of these social explosions take, given the features of social and economic disintegration taking place in countries like Nigeria, is uncertain. Social collapse can lead to an explosion of the class struggle, which the labour leaders will attempt to limit, or collapse into ethnic, religious conflict and breakdown of society. 

We need to be prepared for a resurgence in support of forms of guerrilla wars in some countries. The crisis in Myanmar, where the military now faces a threat as the guerrilla forces have scored significant victories, with the blessing of the Chinese regime, can fuel this development especially should the military be defeated which cannot now be excluded. 

US imperialism and global capitalism will face an even more precarious, unstable, explosive situation should Trump win the election. The US ruling class will do everything to try and prevent this happening. Yet they may not be able to do so given the disastrous role Biden is playing. A second Trump presidency will provoke even greater social and class polarisation and an even more explosive situation. These developments in the US are crucial for the world situation both in terms of geopolitical relations and conflicts and the class struggle which will intensify in the US along with other social movements. 

The economic crisis unfolding in China will not only affect the global economy but is certain to have repercussions in China itself. It is important we are prepared for social upheavals to break out there as well. The political expression and consciousness this will take is not certain and it is essential that Marxists are attentive to such developments that will have a crucial impact internationally. 

Marxist perspective

All these developments will be further aggravated by the unfolding environmental crisis. The recent COP28 summit, which the bourgeois are boasting was a step forward in tackling the devastating situation that is unfolding will not resolve the issue. On a capitalist basis, without a global economic plan it is impossible to solve this crisis which the market system has created. COP28 will prove to be yet another false dawn. The environmental crisis is so grave that it will impinge on all aspects of economic, political, and geopolitical developments in the coming era. This and other social issues such as women’s rights can trigger big social movements in some countries. 

Marxism faces its greatest test historically given the absence of powerful political parties of the working class. War is a great test for socialists. The “left” in general, including the revolutionary left, have failed politically to raise a political programme which corresponds to the horrors unfolding in the Ukraine and Gaza and advocate a principled independent class position that defends the national democratic rights. The ideological collapse of the left is exposed further with each new twist and turn in the protracted death agony that capitalism is experiencing. The CWI (Committee for a Workers International) has been able to face up to these developments with a clear analysis and principled independent class position and revolutionary socialist programme.  

Objectively, the need for genuine new mass socialist parties of the working class is revealed with increasing clarity in country after country. Even where there have been “left” developments in old parties these have proved to be temporary and not resulted in these parties adopting a socialist programme and practice. Many of the “left” and trade union leaders, as seen with Mélenchon in France, Sanders in the US and the metal workers’ leaders in South Africa consciously try to block or limit steps towards building a new party. Thus, this process has already been extremely protracted. This reflects the character of the “left” and the level of political consciousness which has existed. The process of the formation of new mass parties quite possibly can be further delayed for these reasons. This is not certain but is a serious possibility. Support for the idea of a new party can exist. However, realising it is a more complex question. This can change of course as the social and political situations sharpen. It is possible temporary, transitional formations can also emerge which we need to be prepared to orientate towards. These can exist for a brief period requiring Marxists to be prepared to rapidly change tactics and/or political orientation. In some ways we are faced with the need to stress the necessity of an organised party of the proletariat as Marx and Engles did in 1850. 

Should new workers parties emerge this will not be the end of the process but rather a new stage in the struggle to build a revolutionary party, as Lenin understood. Within them a political struggle would commence immediately. The depth of the crisis and challenges faced would probably provoke splits and divisions quite rapidly. Whilst not being mass workers parties this was illustrated by the crisis that developed in “left” parties like Syriza, DIE LINKE, Podemos, PSOL etc. The new parties formed in this stormy period will not be like the relatively stable social democratic and ‘communist’ parties which we saw in post-second world war period. 

Yet the depth of the crisis and brutally sharp class and social confrontations which are emerging will not wait upon the formation of such parties. The call for new mass parties is a crucial part of our propaganda and demands. At the same time, the building of large revolutionary socialist parties and sections of the CWI is not dependent on such developments. The building of our revolutionary socialist parties is becoming increasingly urgent. Significant layers of the working class and youth can be won directly to our programme and parties without passing through the experience of broader parties. As history has also demonstrated in some situations it is possible for a Trotskyist party, like the LSSP in Sri Lanka, to emerge as the largest or primary party of the working class, or, as in the case of Bolivia, Vietnam and to some extent in Argentina, to gain a big influence and base amongst key sections of the working class. And, although not as an open party, we managed to do in Britain. However, whether the path of workers in any one country passes through a broad party or parties – as is likely for most – our task is to lay the basis for building a Trotskyist party with a correct programme, tactics, and strategy to eventually emerge as a mass force.  

There is an urgency for us to build and strengthen the forces of the CWI and build revolutionary socialist parties and the international. Time is limited. We are challenged to conduct an ideological, political, and organisational battle that has not confronted previous generations. A new uncertain world is emerging in which events unfold at breakneck speed. It is essential we face up to this challenge and train the new generation of members with the necessary ideological clarity, audacity, flexibility, and willingness to struggle that history now places on the shoulders of Marxists and the CWI.